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“金湯匙”丑聞引發憤怒,文在寅面臨政治危機

Coddling of ‘Gold-Spoon’ Children Shakes South Korea’s Political Elite
“金湯匙”丑聞引發憤怒,文在寅面臨政治危機

SEOUL, South Korea — The biggest political crisis for President Moon Jae-in of South Korea — weeks of large protests that have tarnished his image and forced his justice minister to resign — started with an obscure medical research paper.

韓國首爾——韓國總統文在寅的最大政治危機始于一篇鮮為人知的醫學研究論文,持續數周的大規??棺h活動已損壞了他的形象,并迫使他的法務部長官辭職。

The paper, published by a team of university researchers in the Korean Journal of Pathology in 2009, listed as its lead author the daughter of a professor, Cho Kuk, who would go on to become justice minister under Mr. Moon. But in August, a local newspaper revealed that the daughter’s achievement had come after only a two-week internship with the team while she was still a high school student.

這篇由一個大學研究團隊于2009年發表在《韓國病理學雜志》(Korean Journal of Pathology)上的論文,將曹國(Cho Kuk)教授的女兒列為第一作者。曹國后來成為文在寅的法務部長官。但今年8月,一家地方報紙爆料,他女兒的這項成就是在她還是一名高中生的時候,在該研究團隊僅實習了兩周之后取得的。

The revelation infuriated South Korean students, who saw it as all the proof they needed to demand that Mr. Cho be fired, and they declared Mr. Moon’s promise to create “a world without privilege” a lie.

這個爆料激怒了韓國學生,他們以此為據要求將曹國解職,還宣稱文在寅創造“一個沒有特權的世界”的承諾是謊言。

The scandal has exploded into the biggest embarrassment of Mr. Moon’s presidency as he has struggled with an ailing economy and a lack of opportunity for many young people. It has particularly fueled outrage about the “gold spoon” children of the elite, who glide into top-flight universities and cushy jobs, leaving their “dirt spoon” peers to struggle in South Korea’s hobbled economy.

隨著文在寅一直在努力應對經濟疲弱和許多年輕人缺乏就業機會的問題,這一丑聞已成為其總統任期內最大的尷尬。該丑聞尤其激起了人們對精英家庭“金湯匙”子女的憤怒,這些子女能順利地進入一流大學,找到輕松的工作,讓他們的“土湯匙”同齡人在韓國困難重重的經濟中苦苦掙扎。

The tale of the implausible academic feat by the justice minister’s daughter crystallized that resentment.

法務部長官的女兒取得令人難以置信的學術成就的故事,將這種憤怒具體化了。

“The paper is so technical I can’t even understand its title even though I am a chemical and biological engineering major,” Hong Jin-woo, a graduate student at Seoul National University, said during one of the first campus protests against Mr. Cho in August. “Is it possible for a high school intern to plan and conduct lab experiments and draft and revise such a paper, all within two weeks?”

“這篇論文的技術難度這么大,我連它的題目都看不懂,盡管我是化工和生物工程專業的學生。”首爾大學(Seoul National University)研究生洪津宇(Hong Jin-woo,音)參加今年8月校園里首次爆發的針對曹國的一次抗議活動時說。“一個高中實習生有可能在兩周時間里,在實驗室策劃并進行這些實驗,起草和修改這樣的論文嗎?”

“Never,” he said. “But it became possible because she had Professor Cho as a parent.”

“根本不可能,”他說。“但這成為可能,是因為她有曹教授這樣的家長。”

Mr. Cho was a celebrity professor at Seoul National University School of Law before Mr. Moon made him a presidential secretary last year, promoting him to justice minister in August. Students suspected that Mr. Cho’s influence helped his daughter, Cho Min, be named as lead author on the research paper, and that the paper subsequently helped her gain admission to the prestigious Korea University in Seoul in 2010. The research paper was retracted by the journal last month in the face of mounting public outrage.

曹國曾是首爾大學法學院的知名教授,去年,文在寅將他任命為總統秘書,并在今年8月提拔他為法務部長官。學生們懷疑,曹國的影響力幫助他的女兒曹敏(Cho Min,音)被列為這篇研究論文的第一作者,而這篇論文后來幫助她在2010年進入了首爾著名的高麗大學(Korea University)。面對公眾日益高漲的憤怒情緒,該學術雜志上個月撤銷了這篇研究論文。

Mr. Cho’s wife, a professor, is already on trial on charges of fabricating an award certificate from her university’s president to help her daughter’s admission to medical school in 2015. Prosecutors are also investigating accusations that Mr. Cho’s wife fabricated an internship certificate from the Korea Institute for Science and Technology for the same purpose. After her admission to medical school, Mr. Cho’s daughter received scholarships over six consecutive terms, although her family was wealthy and she failed to achieve excellent grades.

曹國的妻子也是一名教授,為了幫助女兒在2015年進入醫學院,她偽造了一份來自她所在大學校長的獎狀,并因此在法院受審。檢方還在調查曹國的妻子為同一目的偽造韓國科學技術院(Korea Institute for Science and Technology)實習證明的指控。曹國的女兒進入醫學院后,連續六學期獲得獎學金,盡管她家境富裕,成績也不理想。

    蛐蛐英語 www.244129.buzz

The revelations have convulsed a country that only two and a half years ago saw the ouster of Mr. Moon’s predecessor and conservative enemy, Park Geun-hye, in a scandal that erupted over academic favoritism shown to the daughter of a close friend of Ms. Park.

這些爆料在韓國引發震動,就在兩年半前,導致文在寅的前任、保守派對手樸槿惠罷免的丑聞,也是因為樸槿惠密友的女兒在入學上得到關照而爆發。

When Mr. Moon took office the following year, his central promise was to create a level playing field for all South Koreans, who have grown tired of excesses widely reported among the country’s rich and well-connected.

文在寅在樸槿惠遭罷免的次年上臺時,他的核心承諾是為所有韓國人創造一個公平的競爭環境。韓國人對廣泛報道的該國有錢人和人脈豐富者的過分做法備感厭倦。

The first student protests against Mr. Moon, in August, started small, involving a few hundred people across a few college campuses. But they helped fuel much bigger protests that have since filled downtown Seoul.

今年8月,幾個校園里首次出現針對文在寅的學生抗議活動時,規模并不大,只有幾百人參加。但它們幫助點燃了后來擠滿首爾市中心,規模大得多的抗議活動。

Mr. Cho stepped down this month, and both he and Mr. Moon apologized for disappointing young people, but Mr. Moon’s once solid support among the young has plummeted, polls show.

曹國已于本月辭職,他和文在寅都為讓年輕人失望而道歉,但民調顯示,文在寅在年輕人中一度穩固的支持率已大幅下滑。

“We have grown up believing that everyone will have the same opportunities to enter good universities as long as we work hard,” said Park Min-hoe, a student at Sookmyung Women’s University in Seoul. “But we learned through this scandal that such a rule doesn’t apply in reality.”

“我們從小以為,只要努力學習,每個人都有同樣的機會進入好大學,”首爾淑明女子大學(Sookmyung Women’s University)學生樸敏昊(Park Min-hoe,音)說。“但我們從這起丑聞中了解到,這個規則在現實中并不適用。”

“We wanted to punish the government for betraying our hopes for fairness,” she added.

“我們要懲罰政府,因為它辜負了我們對公平的期望,”她補充道。

In the decades after the 1950-53 Korean War, poor South Korean families cherished their country’s education system as a way for “a dragon to rise from a humble ditch” — or for their children to climb the social ladder. But South Koreans’ confidence in education as a great equalizer has dissipated with the scandals in recent years, as they have seen the rich and powerful rig the country’s university-admission system to favor their own children.

在1950至1953年的朝鮮戰爭結束后的幾十年里,韓國的貧窮家庭曾非常珍惜本國的教育系統,把其作為“小水溝里也能出條龍”——或者說是讓孩子爬上社會階梯的途徑。但韓國人對教育作為實現社會平等的“最偉大工具”的信心已消失,近年來有不少丑聞讓他們看到,韓國有錢有勢的人為讓孩子得到入學關照,操縱了該國的大學招生系統。

In South Korea, white-collar workers’ salaries and job titles in their 60s can often be predicted by which university they attended. The jostling for position starts in kindergarten, with some rich parents spending thousands of dollars a month on private tutoring to help their children secure spots in elite prep schools and top universities.

在韓國,白領60多歲時的工資和職稱往往可以根據他們上了哪所大學來預測。在好大學占個位置的競爭是從幼兒園開始的,一些富裕的家長為了幫助子女進入精英預科學校和頂尖大學,每月花費數千美元請家教。

Well-connected families often resort to dubious tactics to get their children into the best universities, such as helping them land coveted internships at big corporations, research think tanks and university labs, which offer opportunities to get credit on research papers. 紐約時報中英文網 http://www.244129.buzz

有關系的家庭常常會用一些可疑的策略讓子女進入最好的大學,比如幫助她們在大公司、研究智庫,以及為他們提供研究論文上署名機會的大學實驗室,謀取人人覬覦的實習機會。

The Education Ministry’s audits of universities since 2017 have uncovered 794 research papers where middle school or high school students were listed as co-authors, including at least 11 where professors named their own children as co-authors. When economists from Seoul National University compared two boroughs of Seoul in 2014, they found that children from the wealthier borough were 20 times more likely to enter the university, the country’s most coveted, than children from the other.

自2017年以來,韓國教育部對大學所做的檢查發現,有794篇研究論文的共同作者是初中生或高中生,其中至少有11篇論文教授把自己的子女列為共同作者。2014年,首爾大學的經濟學家對首爾的兩個行政區做比較研究時發現,來自富裕行政區的孩子進入該國最夢寐以求的首爾大學的可能性,是來自另一個行政區的孩子的20倍。

South Korean TV dramas and movies, such as Bong Joon Ho’s latest film, “Parasite,” have attracted huge audiences by fictionalizing the divide between the so-called gold-spoon children and their less well-to-do dirt-spoon peers.

韓國電視劇和電影,比如奉俊昊(Bong Joon Ho)執導的新片《寄生蟲》(Parasite),通過所謂的“金湯匙”孩子與他們不那么富裕的“土湯匙”孩子差異的虛構故事,吸引了大量觀眾。

“South Korean millennials consider fairness the most important value — an attitude the older generations have failed to understand,” said Ahn Byong-jin, a political scientist at Kyung Hee University in Seoul. As the economy has slowed and attractive jobs have become harder to come by, they have become more sensitive to the “fair rules of game,” Mr. Ahn said.

“韓國千禧一代認為公平是最重要的價值觀,而老一輩人不理解這種態度,”慶熙大學(Kyung Hee University)首爾校區的政治學教授安炳鎮(Ahn Byong-jin,音)說。隨著經濟放緩,有吸引力的工作越來越難找,他們對“公平的游戲規則”變得更加敏感,安炳鎮說。

The case that took down President Park — leading to the first such impeachment in South Korean history — was emblematic of such favoritism, and was set off when students at Ewha Woman’s University in Seoul began organizing rallies against her government in 2016.

讓樸槿惠下臺、導致韓國歷史上首次彈劾總統的案件就是這種特別關照的典型。引發這一切的是2016年,首爾梨花女子大學(Ewha Woman’s University)學生開始組織反對樸槿惠政府的集會。

The students had learned that Choi Soon-sil, a secret friend of Ms. Park, used her influence with the president to force Ewha to enroll her daughter, Chung Yoo-ra, in 2015 ahead of better-qualified applicants. Ewha professors gave Ms. Chung good grades, even though she later said she hardly knew what her major was because she seldom attended classes.

學生們得知,樸槿惠的閨蜜崔順實(Choi Soon-sil)利用自己對總統的影響力,迫使梨大在2015年錄取了自己的女兒鄭維羅(Chung Yu-ra),而不是比她更有資格的申請者。梨大教授們給了鄭維羅很好的成績,盡管她后來說,她幾乎不知道學的是什么專業,因為很少去上課。

Ms. Choi and Ms. Park were also convicted of conspiring to collect $7.3 million in bribes, including three thoroughbred horses, from Samsung, South Korea’s largest conglomerate, to support Ms. Chung’s equestrian career.

崔順實和樸槿惠還被判合謀從韓國最大的企業集團三星(Samsung)那里收取了約合730萬美元的賄賂,其中包括支持鄭維羅馬術生涯的三匹純種馬。

Ms. Chung infamously belittled her less-privileged friends in a Facebook post. “You’ve got nothing but your parents to blame for your lack of resources,” she wrote.

鄭維羅曾在Facebook上發過一條臭名昭著的帖子,貶低自己地位較低的朋友。“你沒錢誰也怪不了,只能怪你父母,”她寫道。

Mr. Moon’s election brought to power the liberal elites, who claimed to be more egalitarian than their conservative opponents.

文在寅的當選為自由派精英帶來了權力,他們聲稱自己比保守派的對手更主張人人平等。

“Everyone will have equal opportunities,” Mr. Moon promised in his inaugural speech in 2017. “The process will be fair, and the result will be righteous.”

“每個人都將有平等的機會,”文在寅在2017年的就職演講中承諾。“過程將是公平的,結果將是公正的。”

Mr. Cho has been a star of Mr. Moon’s government, and a leading advocate of equal opportunities since his days as a professor. He had more than a million followers on social media accounts. He had been a favorite to succeed Mr. Moon.

曹國一直是文在寅政府的一顆明星,從當教授起,他就是機會平等的主要倡導者。他的社交媒體賬號有100多萬粉絲。他也曾是接替文在寅的熱門人選。

Mr. Cho admitted that his word has not matched his deeds, but insists that his family has done nothing unlawful. But students coined a saying for his apparent hypocrisy: choronambul, or “If Cho Kuk does it, it’s called romance. If others do the same, it becomes adultery.”

曹國承認他的言行不一致,但堅稱他的家人沒有做任何違法的事情。但學生們為他的明顯虛偽造了一個詞choronambul,意思是“如果曹國干,那叫浪漫。如果別人也這么干,就成了通奸。”

“We felt the more betrayed because it happened in the liberal government,” said Hwang Seung-hwan, a student at Korea University. “We have thought that if the liberals were incompetent, they were at least less corrupt than the conservatives. They crushed our expectations.”

“因為是發生在自由派政府,就更讓我們感到遭受了背叛,”高麗大學學生黃承煥(Hwang Seung-hwan,音)說。“我們曾認為,如果自由派無能的話,至少他們比保守派的腐敗程度要低。他們徹底壓垮了我們的預期。”

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